4月1日是所谓的愚人节，但是好像没有这种心情很多年了。在挖坑潜质的驱使下，我鬼使神差的，给一些联络人群发了条短信，“我想你了”，以下是各自表现：

其中唯一的一名同性人士迅速回复

“Metoo”

点评：还好没有让我更觉得恶心的

某位上海的异性朋友紧张错愕

“？？？”

点评：三个问号从心理学上看，应该是对这样的说法很震惊，很。。。在用拇指输消息的时候有点情绪化。

另外一位上海的异性好朋友，良久后

“我们适合做朋友”

点评：嗯，是的，单相思是很苦

某位不认识的人，无反应

某位异地的异性朋友，无反应，装作不知道

网友一，良久无反应。

点评：第二天发现是我的短信没有发送出去，“信息发送失败”

打牌认识的网友二，始终无反应。

点评：许久没有一起打牌估计把我放黑名单了。。。

EX GF，无反应

一位很聊得来的朋友，

“愚人节快乐”

点评：小样，真聪明，不过原来她已经被同事耍，在路边等请客等了一个小时了！

一位消费上认识的朋友，

“哈哈哈”

点评：不知道是回复我的四个字还是上一条短信“。。。对不起，你拨打的用户正在华强北裸奔。”

最后一个总结点评：

  刚刚上午看到一个邮件讲泰国有种人体面包，跟真人相比，简直栩栩如生，制作工艺真让人叹为观止。面包店老板解释说，制作这样的面包的目的是要向世人阐释佛学的大智慧，何为“色即是空，空即是色”（这里是我臆断的），世界的本原（相）和表象（色）是完全不一样的，因此不能轻易相信你所见所闻。话说佛学的大智慧我也有所耳闻，少林寺首座方丈大师释永信的传闻就不一一列举了，在此只引述其关于应对金融危机表现佛学大智慧的免费参观少林寺计划。释大师的目的是为了向世间人展示佛家的大智慧，应对金融危机，展示佛教生存和渡人的力量。释永信表示：“这个世界，大家都需要冷静，佛教通过传统的文化精神和生活方式，可以给世界带来一股清凉。”他认为，派发免费门票，能够让更多人了解少林文化，了解佛教为人们提供的这条新出路，从而为更多人带来帮助，战胜危机。哦，跑题了。

再次一言以蔽之，色即是空。

有些时候人活的太认真很累。

收到“HD90”假钞，无意险成有意

    1月2日下午2时，记者收到13张面值100元的人民币。拿到手时，并没有特别在意，只简单地查看了一下，见没有缺失便装进口袋离开了。由于个人习惯，总是喜欢留两张新币装在钱包里，方便使用。而就是这个习惯，也使一张编号为“HD90269824”的100元假钞就此蹿进钱包。
    3日上午，记者在一家超市买东西，结账时，收银员告诉记者“这是一张假币”。
   “怎么会有假币，这钱我自己也看过的。”记者开始还不相信，拿着钱仔细翻看，水印、100元的标志、凸纹……都没有问题，在超市的验钞机紫光灯下，钱币上也出现了100元紫光标志，但与清晰的真币的紫光标志相比，这张假币的却显得很模糊。“就是这个紫光标志，我们才不能收这张钱。”收银员再次确认为假钞后，将钱退给记者。
    发现假钱后，记者也觉得很委屈，认为这钱不可能是假钞，就找到一名银行专业人士辨认。最终得到的答复是“这张钱是假钞”。
    回到家，带着疑问记者上网查询，在网络论坛上提醒防范“HD90”系列假钞的帖子，让记者不得不细看手中的假钞，编号开头正是“HD90”。

    火车上见识“HD90”假钞，学会咋鉴别

    昨日，市民李女士也向记者讲述了她初识“HD90”版假钞的经历。
    元旦放假期间，李女士和朋友相约乘火车外出游玩，在郑州到商丘的4714的列车上，工作人员为乘客介绍了“HD90”版假钞的防范知识。
    列车工作人员拿出一张100元“HD90”版假钞让车厢内的乘客识别。出于好奇，李女士上前用手摸了又摸，但无论是从人物的衣领条纹、纸币水印还是右下角的盲点，都拿不准。这些方法不行，她又找来白纸，将纸币在纸上用力摩擦，但摩擦后的白纸上并没有像以往的假币一样留下颜色。
    据列车员讲述，这张假币是被广州警方缴获的，因为使用了专业的造币纸张，伪造之真令人惊叹，普通的验钞机很难辨认，银行的专业验钞机也有“走眼”的时候。
    不过，工作人员告诉乘客，面对如此仿真的假币无需恐慌，只要能够掌握一系列的检验方法一定能够找出市面中隐藏的假币。接着工作人员又教给乘客一系列的检验方法，在座的乘客纷纷从口袋中掏出钱币仔细辨认。经过工作人员系统的传授，在座旅客都掌握了辨别假币的相关检验方法。李女士说，看来以后出门再收钱真要多加小心。
    据记者了解，HD90来自台湾，仿真度极高，有假钞贩子称HD90系列只有假钞，没有真钞。这一点尚未得到银行机构确认。此前据《东南卫视》报道，台湾警方查获亿元人民币伪钞，但相信已经有大批伪钞流入大陆。

———————————————————————————————————————————–

请看上文红字标识的部分,我的疑问是,

国家的政策是假币银行没收!

为什么经过专业的银行专业人士检验后认定为假币居然还能回到当事人的手中呢? 莫非银行专业人士和记者…?
如果银行人员可以任由假币从银行机构流出, 是不是可以推断, 之前已经没收了其他"算个屁"的小市民的假币经由银行人员又辗转入市了呢? 瞎说的,胡乱猜测罢了,谁让我这么倒霉碰到了一张出租车司机故意找回的假钞呢.

Re-edited on Dec 1st, 15:38

Journals: To add the cache link for archive purpose. I don’t know why the pics are cancelled automaticlly by the server when I copy the pages here.

I tried 3 times but failed.

Finally I made it.

The Meaning of Obama’s Win: How
He Rewrote the Book

By Nancy
Gibbs Wednesday, Nov. 05, 2008

Some princes are born in
palaces. Some are born in mangers. But a few are born in the imagination, out
of scraps of history and hope. Barack Obama never talks about how people see
him: I’m not the one making history,
he said every chance he got. You are.
Yet as he looked out Tuesday night through the bulletproof glass, in a park
named for a Civil War general, he had to see the truth on people’s faces. We
are the ones we’ve been waiting for, he liked to say, but people were waiting
for him, waiting for someone to finish what a King began.

·                       
For the Republicans, It Could Have Been Worse

·                       
Mark Halperin’s Final Campaign ’08 Report Card

"If there is anyone out there who still
doubts that America
is a place where all things are possible," declared the President-elect,
"who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who
still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer."

Barack Hussein Obama did not win because of
the color of his skin. Nor did he win in spite of it. He won because at a very
dangerous moment in the life of a still young country, more people than have
ever spoken before came together to try to save it. And that was a victory all
its own.

Remember this day, parents told their children
as they took them out of school to go see an African-American candidate make
history. An election in one of the world’s oldest democracies looked like the
kind they hold in brand-new ones, when citizens finally come out and dance, a
purple-thumb day, a velvet revolution. A hundred thousand people came out in red
states to hear Obama; a hundred fifty thousand turned out in purple ones, even
after all this time, when they should have been sick to death of Hope and
Change. In Michigan,
people put an electric fence around their yard sign to protect it. NASA astronauts
on board the International Space Station sent a video message encouraging
people to vote; they did, from 200 miles up. A judge in Ohio ruled that homeless people could use a
park bench as their address in order to register. A couple flew home from India just to
cast their ballots. Obama’s Ohio
volunteers knocked on a million doors on Monday alone. That night, a Florida official locked himself in the Seminole County
election headquarters and slept overnight with the ballots to make sure nothing
went wrong with the vote. Early-voting lines in Atlanta were 10 hours long, and
still people waited, as though their vote was their most precious and personal
possession at a moment when everything else seemed to be losing its value. You
heard the same phrases everywhere. First
time ever. In my lifetime. Whatever it takes.

When it was over, more than 120 million pulled
a lever or mailed a ballot, and the system could barely accommodate the demands
of Extreme Democracy. Obama won more votes than anyone else in U.S. history,
the biggest Democratic victory since Lyndon Johnson crushed another Arizona
Senator 44 years ago. Obama won men, which no Democrat had managed since Bill
Clinton. He won 54% of Catholics, 66% of Latinos, 68% of new voters — a
multicultural, multigenerational movement that shatters the old political ice
pack. He let loose a deep blue wave that washed well past the coasts and the
college towns, into the South through Virginia
and Florida, the Mountain West with Colorado and New Mexico,
into the Ohio Valley
and the Midwestern battlegrounds: you could almost walk from Maine
to Minnesota
without getting your feet wet in a red state. After months of mapmaking all the
roads to 270, Obama tore right past with ease.

The victory poured down the ballot, bringing
along a larger Democratic majority in both houses, though not as broad as some
had predicted: Democrats widened their margins in the House and the Senate. The
Republican caucus is smaller, more male and whiter at a time when the
electorate is heading the other way. But the Democrats did not come close to
their dream of a 60-seat, filibuster-proof majority in the Senate, which
suggests that people’s hunger for change is tempered by their faith in
restraint.

When the race was called, there was a rush of
noise, of horns honking and kids shouting and strangers hugging in the streets.
People danced in Harlem and wept at Ebenezer
Baptist Church
and lit candles at Dr. King’s grave. More than a thousand people shouted
"Yes we can!" outside the White House, where a century ago it was
considered scandalous for a President to invite a black hero to lunch. The
Secret Service said it had never seen anything like it. President Bush called
the victory "awesome" when he phoned Obama to congratulate him:
"You are about to go on one of the great journeys of life."

John McCain, freedom fighter, has always seen
the nobility even — maybe especially — in a losing battle, which takes the most
courage to fight. When he called Obama to concede the race, the younger man
honored the elder statesman. "I need your help," Obama said, and
McCain offered it without reservation. "Whatever our differences, we are
fellow Americans," McCain told the crowd in a gracious speech beneath the Arizona mountains.
"I pledge to him tonight to do all in my power to help him lead us through
the many challenges we face."

Remember this day. We now get to imagine, at
least for a while, that the election of Obama has not just turned a page in our
politics but also tossed out the whole book so we can start over. Whether by
design or by default, the past now loses power: for the moment, it feels as if
we’ve left behind the baby-boomer battles of the past 40 years; the culture
wars that took us prisoner and cut us off from what we have in common; the
tribal warfare between rich and poor, North and South, black and white; and the
illusion, if anyone still harbored it after the past eight years, that what
happens in Washington does not affect what happens everywhere else.

How He Rewrote the Book
"She has gone home," Obama told the quiet crowd in Charlotte, N.C.,
on Monday night, recalling the
grandmother who had raised him and shaped him and died on the
eve of his victory. "She was one of those quiet heroes that we have all
across America,"
he said, and tears we had never seen before streaked his face. "They’re
not famous. Their names are not in the newspapers, but each and every day, they
work hard." One day later, Madelyn Dunham’s grandson would be the most
famous man in the world.

At a moment of obvious peril, America decided
to place its fate in the hands of a man who had been born to an idealistic
white teenage mother and the charismatic African grad student who abandoned
them — a man who grew up without money, talked his way into good schools,
worked his way up through the pitiless world of Chicago politics to the U.S.
Senate and now the White House in a stunningly short period. That achievement,
compared with those of the Bushes or the Kennedys or the Roosevelts or the
Adamses or any of the other American princes who were born into power or bred
to it, represents such a radical departure from the norm that it finally brings
meaning to the promise taught from kindergarten: "Anyone can grow up to be
President."

A nation doesn’t much need a big President in
small times; it needs one when the future is spitting out monsters. We’ve heard
so much about Obama’s brand-new voters that we easily forget the others he
found, the ones who hadn’t voted since Vietnam or who had never dreamed they’d
vote for a black man or a liberal or a Democrat, much less all three. But many
Americans are living through the worst decade of their lives, and they have anger-management
issues. They saw a war mismanaged, a city swallowed, now an economy held
together with foreign loans and thumbtacks. It took a perfect storm of bad news
to create this moment, but even the big men rarely win in a walk. Ronald Reagan
didn’t. John Kennedy didn’t. Those with the clearest vision often have to fight
the hardest for others to see things as they do.

Obama belonged to a party that was bent on
retribution; he preached reconciliation, and when voters were asked a year ago
who had the best chance of winning, Hillary Clinton crushed him, 71% to 26%. He
had to build a new church and reach out to the seekers who had lost faith in
government or never had any in the first place. He ran not so much on any creed
as on the belief that everything was broken, that the very system that produces
candidates and frames issues and decides who loses and who wins in public life
does little more than make a loser out of the American people. We need to start
over, he argued, speak gently, listen carefully, find solutions, keep our word.
It was precisely because he was an outsider with a thin résumé and few cronies
or scars or grudges that he could sell himself as the solution.

On the cold January night in Iowa that he calls the highlight of the
whole campaign, he offered a glimpse of the possible. Caucus-night victory
speeches are usually sweaty affairs in crowded rooms full of debts to pay off.
But Obama got up in his tightened tie and with total focus, in front of a
teleprompter so he’d be sure to get it exactly right, delivered what even
skeptics called one of the great political sermons of our time. "They said
this day would never come," he declared. "They said this country was
too divided, too disillusioned to ever come together around a common purpose.
But on this January night — at this defining moment in history — you have done
what the cynics said we couldn’t do." He won women without the help of
women’s groups, blacks without the help of race pols, and that golden snitch of
American politics, the youth vote, whose presence not only gave his campaign a
feeling of hope and energy but made old people feel younger too. That was the
first test of what was really on voters’ minds: even in the face of two wars and
a looming recession, only 1 in 5
cited experience as the highest priority. More than a third of them cared most
about who could bring about change.

It was just one of many ironies that his
historic ascent required blocking Clinton’s.
Experience can be a virtue, but it also means familiarity and wounds and scars,
and it was hard to look at her onstage — her husband behind her, his gears
visibly spinning — and see her as the future. Many who saw Clinton as the victim of virulent sexism
could still be eager to move on to someone who did not fight in the last war.

Two Men, Two Visions
Given a President who was radioactive and an economy weak in the knees, you
could say the outcome should never have been in doubt. Seventy percent more
people voted in the Democratic primaries as in the Republican; 9 out of 10
people say the country is on the wrong track. In that light, McCain was his
party’s sacrificial lamb, a certified American hero granted one more chance to
serve, with enough rebel credits on his résumé to stand a chance of winning
over disgruntled voters if Obama somehow imploded.

While it may not have been much of a race in
the end, it certainly was a choice: not just black and white or red and blue or
young and old, though there was a full generation between them. Over time, it’s
become clear that these men view change very differently. McCain sees change as
an ordeal, a test of his toughness; Obama sees it as an opportunity, a test of
his versatility. McCain sees change as reforming the system; Obama talks about
rebuilding it from the ground up. McCain does not e‑mail. He became famous by
riding a bus. And he brandished at every opportunity the values that never
change with circumstances: duty, honor, country first.

Yet Obama, derided as so ethereal compared
with the battle-tested McCain, was the clear-eyed realist in the room; he was a
child of change — changed countries and cultures and careers, even his very
name: Barry became Barack. You can’t stop change from coming, he argued; you
can only usher it in and work out the terms. If you’re smart and a little
lucky, you can make it your friend.

As if that choice hadn’t been clear enough,
McCain drew the lines a little brighter. The Veep choice always promised to be
complicated for a solo pilot who resisted the idea of a partner at every turn,
but now the Constitution required him to pick a wingman. He wasn’t the type to
look for someone to help him govern. But what about someone to help him win?

In case anyone imagined that we’d make it
through an entire general election without an all-out culture war, Sarah Palin’s
arrival took care of it. She called herself a fresh face who
couldn’t wait to take on the good ole boys. But far from framing the future,
Palin played deep chords from the past — the mother of five from a frontier
town who invoked the values of a simpler, safer America than the globally
competitive, fiscally challenged, multicultural marketplace of ideas where
Obama lived. She seemed to delight in the contrast: she was arguing that
"we don’t really know Barack Obama" before she had even taken off her
coat. She warned urgently that he wasn’t qualified to be President even as
leaders in her own party snorted at her lack of readiness; she rejoiced in
visiting the "real America,"
the "pro-America areas of this great nation." Instead, it was an
invitation for Obama to show how far the country had come. "There are no
real or fake parts of this country," Obama fired back. "We are one
nation, all of us proud, all of us patriots …"

Still, as of mid-September, McCain, with Palin
at his side, had closed the gender gap, ignited his base, delighted Rush
Limbaugh and seemed to be having fun for the first time in ages. He hammered
the point that he was the only one who had been tested in a crisis. It was
working great — until he was tested in a crisis. The assumption all year was
that if the Furies delivered turmoil to the doorstep of this election, the
country would retreat to the safe choice and not risk a rookie. It was Obama’s
triumph that the financial crisis that might have buried him actually raised
him up, let voters judge his judgment in real time, the 3 a.m. phone call that came night after night. It gave
him, over the course of three weeks and three debates, a stage for statesmanship
that decades of Senate debate could never have offered.

On the day Lehman Brothers evaporated, McCain
was running 2 points ahead. In September, when the Wall Street Journal asked people who was better on taxes,
McCain beat Obama, 41% to 37%. Over the next month, there was an 18-point
swing, until Obama prevailed on taxes, 48% to 34%. The Obama campaign never
missed a chance to replay McCain’s quotes about the fundamentals of the economy
being strong or that he was "fundamentally a deregulator" at a time
when regulation was fundamentally overdue. The moment McCain tried to seize the
moment, suspend the campaign and ride back to Washington to rescue the global financial
system only to be shut down by his own party, he handed Obama a weapon almost
as powerful as the crisis itself. Times were suddenly scary — and McCain was
"erratic," "impulsive," reckless. He fell into a trap he
couldn’t get out of for weeks: any attempt to do something dramatic and
different just dug the hole deeper. Every time McCain took a swing, as his
cheering section demanded he do, those undecided-voter dial meters plunged. Six
in 10 voters said McCain was spending more time attacking Obama than explaining
his own positions, at a moment of crisis when people care what those positions
were.

Over the course of three debates right in the
heat of the crisis, voters got to take the measure of the men directly — no
stadium crowds, no stunts, no speechwriters to save them. They were being told
that Obama was a dangerous radical who hung out with terrorists. Simply by
seeming sober and sensible, he both reassured voters and diminished McCain,
whose attacks suddenly seemed disingenuous. A New York Times survey found that people who changed
their views on Obama were twice as likely to say they had grown more favorable,
not less; those who now saw McCain differently were three times as likely to
say their view had worsened than had improved. And that was after the markets
had shed a couple of trillion dollars. By mid-October, only 1 in 3 voters thought McCain would bring
the country a real change in direction. He never got close again.

Eventually Obama’s opponents moved past
accusing him of celebrity and socialism to charging his family with witchcraft
and warning that his election would bring on the End of Days, when Christianity
would be criminalized and "God could take his hand of protection off of
America," as Gary Bauer, who once ran for President himself, put it.
Obama, meanwhile, used his immense financial advantage to run a half-hour prime-time
ad that told his story, made his case — and never once mentioned McCain.

By the end, some lessons were already clear.
Obama’s sheer brute financial force, outspending McCain nearly 2 to 1,
guarantees that the way we pay for our politics will never be the same — and
money and power tend to flow as one. A new generation of voters is about to
show us whether they dropped in to visit or intend to stay. The Democrats in
Congress were handed greater power despite abiding unpopularity; we’ll now see
whether they understand that it’s a loan, not a reward. And the repudiation of
President Bush and his allies ensures that the conservative movement will have
to sit in a circle, hold hands, light some incense and figure out what its
members really believe in when it comes to putting their principles into
practice. The legacy of a President who vastly expanded the national debt, the
size of government and its reach into what was once called private enterprise
is likely to haunt his party for a generation to come.

The Road Ahead
Modern history is a cautionary tale of new Presidents who overreach and
emboldened lawmakers careless with power. In her unsuccessful fight to hold her
North Carolina Senate seat, Elizabeth Dole ran an ad predicting that
"these liberals want complete control of government, in a time of crisis.
All branches of government. No checks and balances. No debate. No
independence." If Democrats like her opponent win, she warned, "they
get a blank check." The rumbling started before the votes even came in:
there was House Financial Services Committee chairman Barney Frank talking
about cutting military spending 25% and taxing "a lot of very rich people
out there." Amnesty International set a deadline for closing Gitmo; the
ACLU wants a complete review of watch lists within 100 days.

Whose side will Obama be on? The old Ted
Kennedy liberals he re-inspired, the Blue Dog Democrats he courted, the new
arrivals from purple and even red districts whose shelf life depends on a
centrist agenda? He has talked about the need to fix entitlements, but try to
pin him down on the Audacity of How, and he vanished in a foam of contingency.
He has promised to end the war in Iraq responsibly, but the tension
between end and responsibility tightens now. He voted for the $700 billion Wall
Street bailout, but there are bound to be far more claims on that pot than
there is money available in it, and the three months between now and
Inauguration Day are not likely to be kind to the new kid. Obama has been
cautious at every turn not to commit himself to too many details. But he has
made a lot of promises of his own. Clinton,
for one, has no illusions about what lies ahead. "I remember very well,
right after Bill was elected, we found out that the budget deficit was twice as
big as had been advertised," she told TIME’s Karen Tumulty. "I think
that we’re going to find a lot of snakes under the rocks when we start picking
them up, looking at this Administration." Obama has had teams of people
already working closely with the Treasury Department and the Pentagon in the
event of a victory. They have submitted countless names to the FBI to be sure
that they are packing security clearances as soon as possible. McCain mocked
the presumption of Obama’s "measuring the drapes," but Obama’s preparations
for a transition reflected the fact that the rest of the world isn’t going to
wait until Jan. 20 to find out what he thinks. At a time like this, there’s
probably no such thing as being overprepared.

His vow to bring people together will mean
nothing if he just does what’s already easy. He has to find real Republicans to
put in real Cabinet positions, not just Transportation. He needs to use his
power in ways that make both parties equally unhappy, to dust off the weighty
words we need to hear, not just the uplifting ones — like austerity, sacrifice,
duty to the children we keep borrowing from. The national debt passed $10
trillion in September; in the next month, we added $500 billion to it — the fastest,
deepest plunge into red ink in more than 50 years. Will Obama end the double
standard between how Washington
works and how everyplace else does, the loopholes it defends, the common sense
it defies?

"This victory alone is not the change we
seek," he challenged the nation on Tuesday night. "It is only the
chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the
way things were. It cannot happen without you."

We get the leaders we deserve. And if we lift
them up and then cut them off, refuse to follow unless they are taking us to
Disneyland, then no President, however eloquent, however historic his mandate
or piercing his sense of what needs to be done, can take us where we refuse to
go. This did not all end on Election Day, Obama said again and again as he
talked about the possibility of ordinary people doing extraordinary things. And
so, we are merely at the end of the beginning.

— With
reporting by Laura Fitzpatrick / New
York

央行：中国将向泛美开发银行捐资3.5亿美元

http://news.sznews.com/content/2008-10/28/content_3336075.htm  2008-10-28  

   深圳新闻网讯  据中国人民银行网站消息，2008年10月27日，中国人民银行行长周小川会见了来访的泛美开发银行行长莫雷诺一行，此间表示中国将以捐资国身份向泛美开发银行集团捐资3.5亿美元。

　　周小川对莫雷诺来访表示欢迎，并对他为推动中国加入泛美开发银行集团所做出的努力表示赞赏。 周小川表示，中国加入泛美开发银行集团将为加强双方在金融、贸易、投资和科技等领域的合作提供新的平台和机会，符合各方共同利益，是互利共赢的选择。莫雷诺对此表示赞同，他强调中国加入泛美开发银行集团对促进拉美及加勒比地区的减贫发展事业具有重要意义。双方还就中国加入后开展合作问题进行了广泛而深入的讨论。

　　泛美开发银行集团理事会已于2008年10月15日结束投票，接受中国成为该集团新成员国。待履行有关法律程序后，中国将正式成为泛美开发银行集团下属的泛美开发银行、泛美投资公司及多边投资基金三家机构的成员。中国将以捐资国身份向泛美开发银行集团捐资3.5亿美元。

　　泛美开发银行集团成立于1959年，总部设在美国首都华盛顿，是世界上历史最久、规模最大的地区性政府间开发金融机构，其宗旨是促进拉美及加勒比地区经济和社会发展，现有47个成员国。

来源： 中国新闻网  编辑： 潘东

http://news.163.com/08/1010/05/4NSC7IUC00011229.html

重庆商报10月10日报道  合川区太和镇40岁的唐尚海在渝中区大坪购买了一部二手手机，不料手机里面存有一段黄色录像。今年9月18日，唐尚海和朋友陈海军坐火车到怀化。一名乘警查票时擅自打开唐的手机发现了这段黄色录像，遂以唐尚海传播淫秽录像为由，罚款200元。昨日，刚回渝的唐向本报反映称，他并没有传播淫秽录像，不服杭州铁路警方的罚款处理。

乘警查票 发现手机淫秽录像

昨日上午，唐尚海和朋友陈海军刚从怀化回到重庆，就向记者介绍了唐尚海9月18日因手机存有一段黄色录像被乘警罚款一事。

据介绍，9月18日上午10点30分，家住合川区太和镇楼房村的唐尚海和朋友陈海军乘坐重庆至杭州的K531次列车到怀化。19日凌晨1点多钟，一名乘警开始在车厢内查票。

“我们从皮包内拿出车票、钱包、手机等让他检查。”陈海军说，乘警发现唐尚海的手机与他用的手机款式相同，就擅自打开手机，熟练地查看各项功能，不料乘警发现手机里居然存了一段黄色录像。“你的手机怎么存有黄色录像?”乘警的大声质问令周边的男女乘客都盯着唐尚海看。“我当时脸红脖子粗，感到无地自容。”唐说，他都40多岁的人了，哪还经常看淫秽录像，他怕乘客们会以为他好色。

二手机自带黄片 乘警喊罚500元

随后，乘警责令他拿好手机，跟着他到了餐厅车厢。乘警处理完四五名逃票乘客后，将他带到一间办公室。唐说，他一直向乘警解释淫秽录像不是他下载的，而是他在购买二手手机时，手机上本身就带有约4分钟的黄色录像，同时他也没有给任何人看。不过乘警还是以唐私自复制、传播淫秽录像为由，要求罚款500元，并称：“不交罚款也可以，到下一个车站，就交给当地车站派出所行政拘留。”

“我当时一听遭吓惨了，赶紧向他求情。”唐说，他求了半天情，最后乘警依然罚了他200元，还让他当场写下检查书。

认为处理不当 乘客电话投诉

19日凌晨2点多钟，越想越不对劲的唐尚海和朋友陈海军，随即向上海铁路局杭州铁路分局公安处乘警支队投诉，认为乘警处理不当。约早上6点50分，上海铁路局杭州铁路分局公安处乘警支队方教导员主动给唐和陈打电话，并解释他们的乘警处理是合法、正确的，但对乘警处理的方式和态度向唐尚海道了歉。

各方说法

当事乘客

没下载传播不服处罚

“手机是我在大坪购买的二手手机，买来就有这段黄色录像。”唐说，出于好奇和无聊，他没有删除这段黄色录像，一个人无聊时才翻来看一看。他说，在火车上他没有给任何人看，怎么能说是传播?其二，手机是他私人物品，乘警在没有被允许的情况下，应该无权查看他的手机。唐尚海称，虽然上海铁路局杭州铁路分局公安处乘警支队方教导员主动给他们打来电话，对乘警处理的方式和态度道了歉，但他认为这样远远不够，他根本就不服杭州铁路警方的处罚。

杭州乘警

罚款200元适当

昨日下午，记者按陈海军提供的电话号码，联系上上海铁路局杭州铁路分局公安处乘警支队方教导员。“此事是我亲自处理的。”方说，他们接到乘客反映后，随即向值班乘警了解情况，然后向乘客作了回复，当时乘客表示理解。

“当时是奥运保卫期间，乘警有权查看乘客的手机。”他说，唐尚海属于复制和利用计算机信息网络、电话以及其他通讯工具传播淫秽信息，乘警按照《治安管理处罚法》第六十八条规定，罚款200元是适当的。

重庆乘警

乘警草率罚款欠妥

成都铁路局重庆公安处乘警支队负责人税警官说，上海铁路局杭州铁路分局公安处乘警支队乘警这样草率处理十分不妥。他说，乘警首先要搞清楚唐尚海是否传播了淫秽录像。如果唐尚海将手机里的淫秽录像给周边人群和乘客看，并传播、发送淫秽录像等，乘警有权利查看手机，并给予200元以下的罚款。

税说，如按唐尚海的说法，他没有给任何人看，也没有证据表明他传播、发送淫秽录像等情况就罚款，不妥。

重庆律师

自己欣赏不算违法

重庆依斯特律师事务所律师张经柱说，淫秽录像存在自己手机里没有传播，偶尔欣赏不算违法。他说，《治安管理处罚法》第六十八条规定：制作、运输、复制、出售、出租淫秽的书刊、图片、影片、音像制品等淫秽物品或者利用计算机信息网络、电话以及其他通讯工具传播淫秽信息的，才给予处理。该规定所说传播，一是多人、大面积的传播，二是对社会起到一定的危险性。张说，唐尚海也不具备运输和传播的条件，手机只是一个载体。

相关链接

电脑存黄片 被罚1900元

今年8月18日，河南南阳市公安局网警支队3名民警，在南阳市民任超奇电脑里发现两段黄色视频。9月12日，任超奇收到了警方的处罚决定书，被“警告并处1900元罚款”。此事被媒体报道后，引起社会各界人士热议。9月26日，南阳警方公布了市公安局直属分局执法监督委员会作出的决定：撤销对任超奇的罚款处罚。 (本文来源：华龙网-重庆商报 作者：郑三波 郑代娟 朱洁)

西游记之背景-一个政治流放者带着四个劳改人员逃奔西方自由世界的故事

奥林匹克终于未能幸免没落, 洋大人的威力还是无穷的.
在视觉被”纵做鬼也幸福”的伟大盛会滋扰后, 这场伟大的运动(campaign而不是games)无尽荣耀. 很长的一段日子以来, 心里都比较颓废, 连之前我非常鄙视的武林外传也成了生活解乏的一良剂. 然后, 在被武林外传某一剧集频繁的下载解码器无法渲染之后, 又改看西游记了.

提到西游记, 那欢悦起伏的旋律, 腾挪跌宕的悟空, 憨厚纯朴的八戒, 任劳任怨的沙僧, 还是不可避免的将我带入了童年模糊的记忆之中. 小时候第一次看西游记时约摸是暑假吧, 其时正上小学. 暑假里, 夏日的午后, 稍稍睡个午觉, 早早起来, 等在电视前面看天不怕地不怕的齐天大圣. 当然在此电视之后的童年中, 小伙伴还会煞有介事的拿着根竹竿, 象悟空一样, 在池塘边, 小河里, 双手或单手旋转, 呼呼生风. 诚然, 无忧无虑的童年并非完全如此, 父辈会以中国特有的教育方式-暴力-禁止看电视. 他们认为, 小孩的本质工作还是搞学习, 舍弃所有其它的专心致志的面对应试教育. 这个环境下, 我没有怨言, 只是以后, 我是不会灌输这种教育模式的.

聒噪这么多, 就是要渲染最近凸现一种淡淡怀旧的愁怨情调. 诚然, 童年的印象还是比较深刻的, 哪些从小起就开始影响了我很长的一段日子的影视剧, 真真让人流连往返. 不知道如80后般的我们, 是不是都会被清新恬静美若仙的赵雅芝深深吸引. 无论是很早大家风范的千金小姐冯程程,
还是稍晚法力无边柔情若水的白娘子, 抑或是明眸善睐顾盼生辉的狐媚娘, 东方女人所有的美丽, 那个时候都在她的身上为万千如我般演绎的淋漓尽致栩栩如生.

<上海滩>里面我觉得演员最为经典最为传神的一幕, 是后世粉面小生无论如何都不能超越的. 这一幕发生在丁力和冯程程的婚礼上. 此时的许文强经历了香港的流浪和落魄, 经历了结发之妻却惨遭谋杀的巨痛, 重返上海滩面对仇人的坚决, 还要面对上海滩新起势力对他的敌视, 拜把兄弟和自己的恋人结婚… 在百感交集之中, 一直没有正面露面的许文强抑制不住自己对冯程程天生的哪种爱恋之情, 这种爱比结发之妻更激情更炽热, 这种爱是能够让两人的心进行交流的. 在巨大的爱情指引下, 许文强本着复杂的心情, 执著的出现在了婚礼的教堂门口. 随着一声程程, 将三个人的心同时玄了起来. 这么熟悉的声音, 这样磁性的味道, 这样温柔的呐喊, 先是冯程程, 一个少女初怀春就寄托给了许文强, 而各种感情裂痕, 不堪回首的痛苦经历也是一手由许文强导演, 刚刚下定决心彻底放弃这个又爱又恨的男人的时候, 他终于出现了. 冯程程穿着洁白的婚纱转过头来, 诧异, 惊喜, 悔恨, 哀怨, 愤怒, 无奈的眼里饱含着泪水, 脸上的表情隐隐终于沉没; 然后是丁力, 惊慌失措, 震惊, 恼怒, 男人的雄性, 情敌的仇视, 兄长的敬意, 对即将成为爱人的程程可能变心的担心等, 全都写在丁力的脸上, 特别是眼神里, 刻画得洞彻心扉; 关键的是许文强, 他那种犹豫不决, 恋恋不舍, 对曾经刻骨铭心记忆的难以忘怀, 对婚礼上面的这样恋人相逢的尴尬与无奈, 对程程的无尽的爱, 在噙满热泪的眼里, 与程程交流出来的爱意绵绵, 终于脱下礼帽, 痛苦的转身离去, 这仅有的几秒钟的情节和场景的演绎, 足以让这部电视剧做到前无古人后无来者的地步. 当然, 这些当时我是体会不了的, 只觉得好看, 至于为甚麽好看, 是剧情曲折充满悬念还是演员演绎传神增加欣赏性, 当时都不得而知. 同样给我影响很深的还比如<珍珠传奇>, <海灯法师>, <范无病(?)>, <江湖恩仇录>(这个我小时候看起来才真是很黄很暴力呀, 里面好像有脱光衣服, 有性爱, 有暴力仇杀等, 作为刚刚开始看少有的武侠剧, 真的很让人喜欢), 还有江湖古装武侠片<金台奇侠传>(不记得情节了,就觉得当时感觉特好看)等.

再说回西游记来, 离奇的剧情, 有着神通广大本领的孙悟空, 路见不平, 奖善罚恶的行为, 看得直觉酣畅淋漓, 尽管画面的痕迹太明显, 但这都不影响作为一个没有特别追求的孩子的观感, 的确, 我只要剧情. 本次再看, 相隔二十年. 此情此景, 有了不一样的人生阅历, 有了不一样的生活体验, 以下是一点新的对此的理解.

唐三藏: 一个政治流放者

唐三藏, 注定是被唐皇和谐的对象.

唐三藏, 注定是被当局为了稳定而牺牲掉的对象.

这些要从他的出生谈起:

在观音菩萨去东土寻找圣僧的时候谈到三藏的生世之谜. 实际上, 三藏是唐朝先皇的真正的驸马爷的亲身儿子, 后来为驸马爷的只是一个船夫, 此船夫将正陪同公主泛舟江上时, 称二人不注意之时, 将驸马击落江中, 而后霸占了并挟持了公主. (挟持是我自己臆断的, 要不然公主会从吗?) 后来公主忍辱负重, 冒着生命危险生下了三藏并偷偷将三藏放走, 希望有好心人收留. 三藏先天有佛缘, 金山寺的老方丈从大河中的木盆里救出了真命佛子—三藏, 并从此改变了他的人生轨迹. 按照正常轨迹, 他理应位及公侯, 享受荣华与富贵. 然而他却不是, 他只是一个天天对着木鱼和金鱼(呵呵, 还是木鱼)的苦行僧. 和尚是超凡脱俗的, 在一般人眼里, 和尚不存在七情六欲, 和尚给人的感觉就是”本来无一物,何处染尘埃”的, 所以和尚应该是与世无争的, 也是超然世外的.

在此顺便插录一点题外话. 宗教和世界观. 手无缚鸡之力的吕秀才狂曰曰死了江湖上彪榜武林史册赫赫有名的姬无命, 为什么呢? 因为姬无命此时是一个神智不清的精神病患者, 在秀才的引导下思考了人生和世界, 正常人会不会想这个问题呢? 会不会自杀呢? 不知道宁财神是不是想从侧面反衬说研究哲学的都是疯子这个有名的悖论. 吾校著名姚公国华先生曾经从哲学的角度向我们引导过: 世界观和哲学研究的起源就是这些疯子,
在寺庙里神殿研究上帝的存在和性(上帝能不能在寺庙的塔尖站住, 能站住是双脚站住还是单脚站住, 单脚站住的是男人还是女人? 塔尖是尖的, 硬币是圆的, 塔尖站得住, 硬币上是不是也能站得住? 忽大忽小的本能和男人的某个生理器官非常相关, 是不是上帝在我心中而是在我身上呢? 上帝到底在那里存在? ), 这个神殿研究院后来成为大学始祖学术中心的德国海德堡大学. 研究这些的是不是疯子呢? 其实宗教原来就是这样神秘. 回到这里的佛教, 佛教讲救人一命胜造七级浮屠, 那为什么唐三藏反而还要向当权政局举报犯人而不是来渡化这个作恶者呢? 如果说是杀父仇人, 那就是三藏本人并没有真的达到佛的弟子乃至于四大皆空的地步, 那么唐三藏也就不够格称为高僧了. 回到世界观的本原的问题上来, 究竟人本善(人的存在)还是人本恶(思维的存在)? 中国的三纲五常中性本善是始(当然西游记的时代必定有其历史局限性), 那么若能渡得犯恶的人回头是岸, 从而实现拯救黎民苍生为我佛之己任不正好善终吗? 这才是高僧的境界(比如一灯大师渡得裘千仞). 若非如此, 这个宗教的选择性倡导就是为了证明因果轮回说吗? 又或者这一切尘世孽缘都是有选择性的布善和交恶吗? 因果报应本质上就是一个极度唯物的论断, 是宗教的严重硬伤.

顺着上面三藏传奇故事的情节发展, 这样铺垫下去, 在生死轮回学说的体系下,
注定了三藏要成为一个后世来生奉之如圭臬的”大难不死必有后福”的标板.

但是三藏的命运其实还是不幸的. 讲到观音去找大唐寻找圣僧过程中, 通过对唐三藏的铺垫,就会发现, 连下里巴人的茶馆小店都对唐三藏的传说了如指掌. 这个甭管是不是八卦传闻, 至少从另外一个侧面证明了年纪轻轻的三藏在大唐的影响力是空前的. 这么大的影响力对于统治阶级是一个极大的威胁的, 况且有影响力的这个人也是有着皇族血统的后裔. 怎么办? 当这个难题摆在了唐太宗的面前的时候, 唐太宗的历史性是这样的:

1.       唐室根基稍稳, 百废待兴, 积年战祸, 政治影响力尚小, 有待发扬;

2.       武力尚存, 战争气息未灭, 官僚主义和阶级斗争思想贯穿其中(从其后唐僧一行往外取经途中的故事推测), 没有核心的企业文化进行指导;

3.       百姓向佛, 厌倦战争, 追求平稳安逸的生活(否则唐三藏也不可能有这么大的市场);

4.       李世民本身得到的皇位就具有争议性. 从封建纲常来讲, 就是不合法的政府. 虽然后世会高度评价这个时代, 但是得到皇位的这个事件是不得抹杀的. 作为接受封建伦理灌输的李世民不可能不知道这一点, 也不可能不意识到这一点.

如果对三国演义稍微有点印象的话, 就会记得被孙策斩首的活菩萨于吉. 这个于吉被喻为江南的活菩萨, 百姓见之, 顶礼膜拜, 在一片歌舞升平蒸蒸日上的江东, 其气派甚至超过了当朝首领孙策. 诚然归这个孙策短命, 弄死了这个于吉不久自己也一命呜呼了. 幸好孙权够牛. 顺便在这里鄙视一下现在这部电影<赤壁>中的孙权, 简直让人不堪入目(一代枭雄的孙权, 竟被演绎成无用的傀儡, 导演的想法是在让人难以揣测.) 前面有于吉的例子, 后世有大轮子功的躬亲示范(呵呵, 这个唐皇应该不知道), 无怪乎英明的唐太宗李世民作出了一个让世人称颂的事情.

唐太宗的表现是令一般的统治者感到诧异的. 他作出的这个动作也是一般的帝王将相很难超越的, 的确他是一个有着博大胸怀宏伟抱负的伟大君王!

一般情况, 任何主流的意识形态都是为了维护当下统治阶级的统治服务的(现在西方民主主义的观点是国家首先是为人民服务的, 中国的观点就是国家是统治人民的). 所以, 这个观世音菩萨也不例外, 官方为了宣传对宗教的重视以达到维护统治阶级的利益的目的, 就有了观音化而为世外高僧, 去大唐卖袈裟, 然而万金的袈裟禅杖, 唐皇帝根本不得认识(连唐皇帝都不识得, 从三藏履历来看, 没见过大世面的他又怎会认得? 那么就权当行内人士认得吧. 这样看来普通民众就更加无从认得了). 统治阶级有着高超的舆论控制技巧, 面对如此天赐良机, 唐皇帝正好在众信徒,官员,百姓前展现皇室对佛教信仰的尊重和顶礼. 因此, 唐皇毫不含糊的重金聘购, 百废待兴的王室为了推崇佛教, 为了帮助百姓脱离苦海的夙愿, 在此一招下, 使得三藏对王室的有了新的想法. 这样一来, 擅长政治斗争, 权术革命的唐明皇, 使得"傻傻的"唐三藏为此感激涕零, 服服帖帖, 进而从根本上认识到佛根(也就是菩提树)的无原无本的虚幻和不可求. 一手交钱一手交货, 唐明皇说: “孩儿, 和我斗, 还嫩点!”

观音继续畅谈佛教真经, 大乘胜法. 存在于在西天如来佛祖处真经的效用就是, 救黎民于苦海, 撼妖孽于懵懂. 而这也正是三藏扛起的大旗, 尽管他可能根本不知道这个大乘胜法是否真的存在, 然而前往西方, 却显然不是那么容易的事情. 而菩萨宣传的这一套, 不知道为什么总是有意无意的落入了需要为黎民百姓造福祉的皇帝的下怀. 皇帝有忧国忧民之心, 而三藏有解救众生脱离苦海之意, 那么到底谁是真心,谁是假意呢? 钢七连的连长说:”是骡子是马拉出来溜溜. ”

刚才的知遇之恩,显然重金聘购的装备极大的冲击了唐僧未能免俗的五感之一,在唐皇的谆谆动人之下,义不容辞的踏上了前往西天的征程.

之前,唐皇/三藏不可能未卜先知,知道有个齐天大圣孙悟空等着去取经的.这样而言,三藏前往西天,以当时的科技水平和经济手段,无异于直接流放送死,在三藏的心底,岂不知正迎合了士为知己者死古代三纲五常的封建伦理标准的藩篱?如此此去十万八千里, 唐皇帝亲自饯行,仪式上还不忘淳淳故土悠悠我心,这次三藏真是吃了一个哑巴亏,有苦难言. 就算自己不愿意被放逐去送死, 和西门豹治邺一样, 又怎么能够使天下百姓信服呢? 此正所谓一箭三雕者, 其一,新登基不久的唐皇的重视黎民苍生的美誉, 其二,新登基不久的皇帝的洪恩浩荡,以至于不谙俗世的三藏都被唐皇感化的美谈以及其三唐皇不动神色的计除在国内极具政治影响力的三藏以免其功高盖主的阴谋, 全都一一呈现.

在三藏踏上征程之前, 三藏深知此一去之不返, 尽管如此他不得不自咽苦水含恨踏上了一条之前谁也没有想到的政治不归之路.

至此, 政治上的流放者唐僧已经成功出炉.

西方,一条通向自由与极乐的道路吗? 当然, 西行之后的故事才是西游记的本身. 殊知, 唐三藏乃一代高僧, 吉人自有天相, 等到真正抵达西方, 眼前一片春花红似海, 心中一滩晶泉静如天, 一路上的通缉追杀在几个功力高强的劳改犯人的帮助下, 还好虽然惊险不断, 最终都化险为夷, 这个过程让他真正的认识到了佛之真谛, 虚无飘逸的政治生活毕竟已经一去不复返了, 而且就算他重返东土, 日新月异的政治环境已无唐僧之容身之地. 这也许就是他虔诚的返回大唐却从此再无政治出头之日的原因.

2008年7月27日 深圳

燥热的天气 呆在房间 不见半丝风动 三台风扇狂吹 电脑虽然不吵了 但散发的热量也难以消除 感觉很困倦 脱光衣服 倒在床上 想小憩一会 风扇还是不停的吹 床上的凉席下面仿佛有个火盆 灼燎着我的身体 我躺在床上 寥寥的想 这可恶的天气…

天气预报讲到凤凰即将登陆福建，深圳可能有点影响 这几天的红色恐怖简直让人难受 燥热 寝食不安 热浪袭袭…就这样熬着, 约摸下午4点左右, 顷刻狂风四起, 山雨欲来. 不多时 天色变暗 仿佛天被压下一般 很让人怀疑是不是都回到了地震的阴影之中  此时小雨开始稀薄的飘洒下来 在一阵乱风的作用下 卷到了阳台之内 淋湿了我的脚丫和拖鞋 不一会 天色大变 狂风劲吹 5米之内分不清人脸 风沙卷着雨水冰雹 劈里啪啦的打在窗户的玻璃上 比上次我在南澳经历的台风带雨更有分量

终于下雨了 下大雨了 真大快人心 如此闷热的天气 来场雨真是让人感到惬意. 下雨约持续了半个小时 真的感觉凉爽很多了 晚上冲凉的时候就觉得花洒出来的水有点凉

脱了衣服 上床睡觉 风扇不停的吹

半夜 感觉很冷 因为杯子收起来了 不想动 拉了一件衣服盖着肚子 继续睡 风扇继续吹

深夜 感觉更冷 嗓子疼 更不想动 继续睡 风扇继续吹

2008/07/28

周一早上起床 果真感冒了. 搜到板蓝根冲剂 喝之

继续闷热 这个鬼天气 上班去了

下午 正式大举袭击 使用的纸巾占了一个垃圾篓 鼻涕不停的流 喷嚏接二连三 眼睛都是酸的 还不由自主的出眼泪 头闷闷的鼻子都让纸巾擦红擦痛了 人的感觉很难受 病了就是不舒服 好惨哦. 好在下午事情不紧急.

下班了马上走人 回到住处 去了一致药店 选药买药 到家赶紧烧水喝药 这几天那个燥热啊 真痛苦 回去还是一样的热 感觉吃了药还是不停的流鼻涕 打喷嚏 不过感觉要好很多

谁说感冒了不能洗冷水澡的  哈哈 洗头洗澡都是冷水 目事.. 睡觉

哇噻 神清气爽 今天已经好了一大半了 哇卡卡 爽…

晚上继续吹电扇 哈哈

天马行空,白驹过隙,还是那样的时日,时年却三载有余.诗说,旧时王榭堂前燕,飞入寻常百姓家.斗转星移之间,此刻不经意间却物是人非.真教人感喟流光之易逝.人面桃花相映红,桃花依旧笑春风.在经历了暴风骤雨之六七月后,总算期盼着接下来会有个好天气的周末.

今天是2008年7月19日,周六.

我一个人单枪匹马杀奔了小南山. 第二次握手的小南山依然风景旖旎, 眉清目秀. 传说中的小南山在传说中的海上世界附近,传说中的富豪别墅群后面, 少了仓虬俊朗, 平添无限婀娜多姿. 的确很久没有运动了, 昨天的羽毛球玩的很晚, 加上早上出门的时候日上正高, 直觉天气闷热, 浑身是汗.

信步来到了南山登山入口, 拾级而上. 显然, 周遭气息不畅和全身汗如雨下让我提醒自己身体真的折旧很厉害了. 因为是一个人的旅行, 和上次相比我多了的辎重是一台摄像机, 和自给自足的膳食: 水和饼干, 毕竟已经少了第一次来争个高低的气氛, 加上天气恶劣, 毒辣的太阳炙烤着独行客和结伴人, 虽说路程少有熟悉, 但却了无新意, 更还有稗枝蔓草不时出来滋扰一番, 慢慢悠悠我也折腾了40多分钟到了第一层的半山腰. 得到第一个小高峰的时候, 本着战胜了短暂的困难和心理困倦的阿Q大法, 我回味在一往向前的动力和竹子开花的精神的世界之中,  狠狠的在半山腰休息了许久.

在半山腰的时候已经是中午了, 日上中天. 岂料天有不测之风云, 最近海鸥刚刚肆虐福建, 深圳现在也小有影响, 不一会儿, 此前的天高云淡转为乌云密布, 时不时还挤出了几点雨水. 想到我的任务是冲顶, 眼看天色有变, 也要往上冲了. 于是辞别半山腰, 哲下再转上冲刺去了. 在国外的时候攀登过Mountain Rainier, 觉得他们的环保工作做得很好, 虽然也有小石铺路, 毕竟总的大环境没有收到任何影响. 还有讲到因为条件恶劣, 要请登山客注意保护环境爱护植被的宣传. 南山上其时正在政府衙门的批准下准许兴建一所厕所. 旁边都是辛苦的工人冒着酷暑炎热, 脱个赤膊, 在进行原始的挖土筑沟的劳作. 这段的山路我只想着一鼓作气就慢慢的爬了上去. 有个小诀窍就是因为台阶实在太多, 有点害怕看着台阶爬还有多少气力, 就低着头, 只看脚下, 不看前后, 竟然就这样一步步的爬上去去了.

杜甫有首诗叫会当凌绝顶一览众山小. 难怪如果众多文人骚客政治小丑喜欢登峰造极,舞文弄墨, 激扬文字. 毕竟山顶的感觉真的是不一样的. 飕飕的风吹干了身上的湿衣裳, 让人起了阵阵寒意. 天色一直浊浪不清. 自给自足的登山还是乐趣无穷的, 充分享受了山顶的快感之后我畅怀的踏上了来时之路, 越下越低, 天气越来越好, 而今的环境物是人非, 在行程中, 忽然不由自主的想到了这句话"人生只若如初见".

返回之前, 特意仔细体会了一下一个坡段的铭言"君子有三戒,夫年少时,血气未定,戒之在色 及至壮时,血气方刚戒之在斗,及至暮年,血气既衰,戒之为得", 深以为勉.

另外还有个小故事: 时人喜宠久无得, 偶遇一短尾猴, 傅而自豢之, 相戚戚焉. 久之, 皮滑齿皓, 之得, 常炫于人前, 以灼己之功. 猴几欲走, 常自啡之, 主不白. 逾日盛, 其猴比于诸宠中, 猴积怨, 自费一踢, 乃弃之.  

http://www.lqqm.net/Lqqm.NetAf2AAACPQSNSCZOZPHVJTCOBZBLXCNIKROZAF_A/bbstcon?B=305&start=5817&th=1214975003

发信人: auniqueu (only), 信区: NewYouth
标  题: 新闻发布会种种质疑(来自网友)
发信站: 两全其美网 (Wed Jul  2 13:03:23 2008), 本站(lqqm.net)

发信人: aduing (爱果者), 信区: HitTopic
标  题: Re: 为什么有些人宁可相信传言，也不相信尸检报告
发信站: 两全其美网 (Wed Jul  2 11:27:44 2008), 本站(lqqm.net)

也没有看到政府的话值得推敲啊？
而且大家有没有注意到，政府全部采信了犯罪嫌疑人的一面之词？！

（来自天涯）

作者：泪落倾盆　回复日期：2008-7-1　21:55:28　     
　　发布会,我的几点疑问………………………….
　　
　　1、“2008年6月21日20许，李与女友王某一起邀约出去玩，同李的男朋友陈某及陈的朋友刘某等吃过晚饭后，步行到西门河边大堰桥处闲谈。李在与刘某闲谈时，突然说："跳河死了算了，如果死不成就好好活下去"。刘见状急忙拉住李，制止其跳河行为。约十分钟后，陈某提出要先离开，当陈走后，刘见李心情平静下来，便开始在桥上做俯卧撑。”
　　疑问：
　　陈某是李的男朋友，为什么此前一直没人提到这点？16岁的初二女生，找20岁的在“县纸厂打工“的陈某为男朋友，总觉得别扭。
　　既然是男朋友，为什么李说要跳河，拉住他和陪他的人都是刘某而不是男朋友？
　　为什么不明言李跳河的原因？
　　做俯卧撑实在是太油菜了
　　
　　2、“6月26日，经县工作组多次做工作，死者家属表示同意县工作组的协调意见，答应在6月28日签订协议了结此事。但6月28日16时，死者亲属邀约300余人打着横幅在县城游行。”
　　疑问：
　　为什么普通的女生跳河案，要成立工作组？要“多次做工作”？要“签订协议了结此事”？什么协议？
　　死者亲属游行的原因是什么？横幅什么内容？
　
　　4、疑问：
　　为什么只有GZ当地媒体，其他媒体呢？港台媒体呢？CNN呢？为什么所有的提问回答的形式都这么类似（提问者非常简单的1个问题，回答者均看纸头回答？             (关于此问题的疑问可参阅下述链接: http://www.csuchen.de/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=317441)

　　6、GZ电视台：关于亲人被打的问题。
　　公安局副局长的回答：爷爷奶奶被打是谣传，婶婶被剪头法是谣传。
　　而叔叔被民警打则不成立。‘从派出所调查出来后，教育局办公室通知其协助做工作，之后，在保险公司门口被打，公安局已成立专案组，案件正在调查中。“
　　疑问：
　　叔叔究竟是被谁打的？为什么要打他的叔叔？很奇怪，没有答案。50多人的恶势力一下就被抓获了，而叔叔被打成立了专案组还“正在调查”。（另：叔叔被打可参阅香港有线对其叔叔本人的采访。）
　　为什么亲属都说，叔叔被警察打了？为什么前面爷爷奶奶婶婶被打是“谣传”，而到叔叔这里则“不成立”，这个用词好古怪？
　
　　8、GZ日报的记者：公安局多次硬抢尸体的事情？
　　副县长：自2006年开始，从未有硬抢尸体的事情。
　　疑问：
　　看过香港有线的朋友都应该记得，那边的采访中有群众说有人硬抢尸体，那么，究竟有没有人硬抢呢？谁在说谎？如果不是公安抢的，有没有别的人抢呢？

中国检查日报记者：传闻说元凶与县里和派出所有关系
　　回答：1、县委书记在WEN‘AN 没亲戚
　　     2、两个男生父母是农民
作者：binglangxy　回复日期：2008-7-1　22:01:36　     
　　这句话有点不解“刘见状立即跳下河去救李树芬。王某急忙打电话给陈某”。半夜12点打电话给陈某，是用手机打的么？在一个不知名的偏远山区的小县城，3个农家子弟的初中生都配上手机了，现实么？

作者：depump 提交日期：2008-7-1 20:38:00    

1.6月22日女孩死亡后 到28日之间是空白之处
　　
　　2.28日死亡女孩家属为什么要拉横幅呢？
　　
　　3.为什么记者问的问题 在座领导回答都是在读稿子？
　　
　　4.她叔叔出了公安局门口被人打，是被谁打的？

作者：赫石南　回复日期：2008-7-1　21:13:27　     
　
　　2、作为发布会，我们想看到的是证据。岂可将责任一推了之？发布会，不是发布官员的态度和观点，应该发布证据、展示证据。说实话，官员们的片面之词，已经伤老百姓伤得太深了。“周老虎”不也是官员们信誓旦旦么？地震灾区“卫生干部打志愿者事件”中，官员们不也是信誓旦旦么？最后呢？不难怪，有网民大喊“黑社会冤”呀！嘿！！
　　
　　3、受害人家属究竟在哪里？为什么不给他们说话的机会？我们知道，兼听则明，既然开发布会，当事人才是最重要的角色。既然628事件的起因是“刑事案件”，那么刑事案件的受害人才应该是主角。推一万步说，请受害人家属存在着操作的困难，但邀请各方面媒体直接采访受害人家属，应该不存在任何技术的难度。如此“遮遮掩掩”让人不竟怀疑，官员们是不是又在下面做什么“工作”？

作者：王土大木工　回复日期：2008-7-2　12:26:34　   
　　5：新闻发布会，为什么不请女孩的家人，当时和她在一起的三个人一起过来。
　　6：新闻发布会，按常理，记者应该是抢着举手的，但我们每次只看到一个记者举手。
　　7：看过视频的网友，肯定想说，现在黑社会的年龄是越来越小了呀。
　　8：她叔是一个敢围攻县政府的黑社会，谁敢打他？

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※ 来源:．两全其美网 http://lqqm.net [FROM: 59.66.116.210]

     照片看后我很气愤，我大概说一下，你可以找个地方放到网上去。太丢人了，韩国人怎么可以如此胡作非为，公安局最初结论肯定太草率！

    首先可以肯定，这绝对不是自杀。女人也好，男人也好，一般自杀前都会穿戴整齐，这倒不是出于封建迷信，想死后体面点去见阎王爷，而是人的一种善待自己的本能。都要死了，何必如此赤身露体？这种心理状态是全世界法医界所公认的，而且被写进了教科书（记不清了，应该在书店里随便找本权威点的法医教材，里面肯定有）。所以光从衣着看，就可以百分之百的下非自杀的结论。
　　
　　其次，跳楼自杀的，一般都会离墙壁有一定距离，这是人的一种习惯动作，即往前跳越一定距离然后再自由落体，从没见过跳楼自杀的人紧挨着墙壁往下溜的（这是早年看过的一本国外教材的说法，在国内法医实践中也从没听说过从高层跳下来挂在低层走廊栏杆上的，挂在电线杆上的倒是听说过），所以几乎不会形成挂在栏杆上的情形。以上这两点结合，我可以断定这人肯定不是自己下来的。我可以对这个结论负责，你尽管往网上传就是。

　  第三，这个女人是面向墙壁的，也就是说如果假设她是跳楼自杀的话，她跳楼是背向外面的，这是一个很罕见的体位，因为晚上跳楼的人是不会恐高的，天太黑她很可能根本看不见下面到底有多高，即使恐高也就是一闭眼的事，不会有人反习惯地面向后跳楼的，人的习惯动作不会是面向后的。而且，还可以进行进一步的推理。我们知道，如果不习惯空中运动的人从高处坠下，那么他或她的体位除非有外力作用，否则其空中坠落过程中体位是难以发生变化的，而这个女人很显然就属于这种空中体位难以自己主动改变的人。在下坠过程中，人体会不会因与墙壁挂擦发生侧向转动呢？当然会，但是如果是这样，她的身体的长轴将与竖直的重力线有一个较大的夹角，她的身体想挂在低层的栏杆上就非常困难了。那么最大的可能性就是她下坠初期是长轴竖直的。而要满足怎样的条件才能让她长轴竖直下坠又要面向墙壁挂在低层的栏杆上呢，你也是高手了，看看咱俩能不能统一意见，就是她下坠初期有两种可能的体位—-面向后背向外头向上，或者面向外背向墙壁但是头冲下。因墙壁的摩擦，在楼层中间发生纵向翻滚，因为摩擦力和旋转力矩的综合作用，致使一半身体探进低层走廊栏杆之内，致使其拦腰挂在了上面。考虑到墙壁的摩擦力和旋转力矩，我更倾向于后者。

      这个女人身上有伤痕。我看不清楚这些伤痕到底是怎样的形态及有何特征，但是既然有伤痕，必定有造成伤痕的具体物体。如果这些伤痕不能用现场的客观环境来解释（即找到形成这些伤痕的遗留在现场的具体物体，并用自杀行为来加以解释其形成机理，最后复原其所谓的自杀全过程），则应当追查伤痕形成的具体机制和器械，这是非常重要的物证材料。
　　
　　视频我实在看不到，估计看到也不会有什么作用，因为清晰度肯定不会高。如果说自杀的话，我只能做如下的现场复原：一个赤身裸体的女人独自走上天台或是走廊，背向茫茫的黑夜，站上栏杆，一下子沿着栏杆外墙溜了下去，然后在空中自旋180度并前空翻180度（高台跳水应该有这个技术动作的名称），终于挂在了低层的栏杆上，一看不对，是下半身挂上的，然后艰难地调整体位，把上半身放到栏杆里，下半身伸出来，最后对自己的位置满意了，才含笑九泉。简直是***。说是自杀简直杀了我都不相信。

      谭静走了！留下所有关心她的人们，而我们面对的是怎样的事实？仿佛自己站在黑夜高楼的边沿，前方显示的是黑乎乎的迷茫！
 

  The Meaning of Life

                  Bernard on Apr 23rd,2008 afternoon
at Office in High-tech Industrial Park, SZ
On the current condition I am under and the steps I grew up while supporting by one of my bosses.

Time Flies, I don’t know where and why
Just like the taste of apple pie
Touched with sweetie kiss of goodbye
Some other day a word gotta to say
The life is half white affiliated with cry

Color fades and shadows sway
Fluctuated blaze of light pierced crane
Surged waves flush thorns by array
Leave life just like you mould clay
Shape to grow yet shakes into bay

Since all is avoid and sword scares small
None of candidate lies pure in the shore
Ups and downs make different score
Life takes the meaning of floating ball
Stay fierce with the virgin principal